Acceptable revolution
Introduction
Victorian Bournemouth (218) explores the political process by which a second wave of men became borough councillors. A key part of their route lay in serving on the committee of a Ratepayers’ Association. This group represented ratepayers residing in Springbourne and Malmesbury Park. The area’s social profile and turbulent history required sensitivity from the aspirant councillors. On the one hand, they had to settle voters, many of whom resented central authority. On the other hand, they had to reassure the establishment that they represented evolution, not revolution.Â
Victorian Bournemouth (218): apartheid to acceptability
‘Uitlander’
In the past, English society had included a practice whereby the landed gentry practised apartheid towards other social groups, in particular labouring people. To improve views from their country houses, owners would, on occasion, clear away evidence of such people, razing entire villages. They would rehouse the inhabitants out of sight in a settlement built to order. A similar process had occurred during the early days at Bournemouth. Respectable people, in particular doctors, saw working people residing in the town as a potential blight. Their habitations and lifestyles might cause respectable and better people to become disenchanted with Bournemouth, taking their tourist trade elsewhere. Thus, large areas developed on the town’s periphery designed to house working people necessary to the economy but unnecessary to see. A columnist commenting on Springbourne life during the 1890s used the pen-name of ‘Uitlander’ or ‘Outlander’, a dry comment on such social distancing.
Reassurance
Such distancing, however, faced challenges during the nineteenth century since the government took measured steps to widen the electoral franchise. Over time, many less wealthy people received the right to vote and, thus, to effect social change. Not all agreed, however. Local refuseniks to this policy minimized or delayed Bournemouth’s inclusion of areas comprising working populations. They feared the inclusion of Malmesbury Park and Springbourne, Winton, Moordown, and Pokesdown. They wanted them neither in the borough, nor the chamber. Bournemouth, however, had long included in its power-sharing men of humble origin who had achieved respectability through commercial success. Several even became mayor. Genealogical research shows that many serving on the committee of the Springbourne’s Ratepayers’ Association had a similar social profile. Such men offered widespread reassurance. They could minimize resentment of central authority amongst the ‘Uitllanders’, while persuading the refuseniks that they would follow the acceptable paths of earlier ‘worker-councillors’.
Victorian Bournemouth (218): credentials
Social improvement
The Bournemouth Guardian preserves the names of almost a hundred men associated with the Malmesbury Park and Springbourne Ratepayers’ Association 1897-1901. These men participated, even spoke, at meetings or served on the committee. Nevertheless, a much smaller number appear to have run the group. John Parsons led the way as chairman. His father, once an agricultural worker become tailor, established a successful milk delivery business in Springbourne. His sons would expand it, their name on delivery vans. Others also had fathers who laboured in fields or forests, another’s father went to sea. Some had better beginnings, their fathers a vellum-binder, a draper, and a successful bootmaker. Most appear to have built careers that improved their social position. They included two carpenters who later built houses, two having grocery and butchery shops, an accountant, and one who reached property development through meat sales and auctioneering. Thus, most had achieved respectability.
Public careers
As they achieved financial security, these men entered community life to increase name recognition and personal reputation. Some, including John Parsons and James Trowbridge, pursued involvement with the local workhouse’s Board of Guardians. Robert Thresher took a leading role in Springbourne’s Wesleyan Band of Hope. He gave enough public speeches for the press to report one as ‘characteristic’ of him. Thresher and at least one other attended gatherings of the Liberal Party. Several nominated candidates for municipal elections. Their community experience will have given them the platform and confidence to try the same. John Parsons pioneered, an early winner. William Hoare, Springbourne councillor, and soon to become mayor, mentored him. At the first election for the expanded council, three won seats for Malmesbury Park, two for Springbourne, including John Parsons retaining his. He would soon also become mayor, serving consecutive terms, and achieving considerable repute in office.
Victorian Bournemouth (218): process
Platform
The Malmesbury Park and Springbourne Ratepayers’ Association trod the political and social frontier between revolution and respectability. Much of the area’s male population consisted of manual labourers. Few had the vote, even after the reforms. They might, however, have appeared amongst the customers of John Parsons and his successful colleagues. An ability to fuel word-of-mouth campaigns also lay within their power. Thus, although now on the road to respectability, ambitious committee members could not abandon their humble roots and context. An example occurred in the public row surrounding the fee levels charged for the new secondary schools. At the public meetings, social rancour and divisional anger charted the discussion. ‘Carriage people’ came in for derision. Parsons, now a borough magistrate, attended this meeting. Other populist platforms consisted of campaigns to win allotments, a public recreation ground, a public swimming bath, and support for the Housing of the Working Classes Acts.
Power
Support for such populist issues would have built reputation amongst the community, though not all could vote for them. Another issue, however, provided the basis for capturing votes. Time and again, their meetings drew attention to inequities within Bournemouth’s representation. In simple terms, votes of those living in ‘better’ but less populous wards could deliver more councillors per vote than in Malmesbury Park and Springbourne. Thus, the apartheid as a bulwark against working people’s legal acquisition of power, remained in place until the new century began. The committee for Malmesbury Park and Springbourne wanted at least twice the number of seats in the chamber. They encouraged Pokesdown and Winton to welcome incorporation, for this would deliver even more councillors of their ilk. Yet, since they had moved some way to respectability, the establishment would have less fear that they had enabled foxes to enter the henhouse.
Takeaway
Victorian Bournemouth (218) examines the social backgrounds of men on the Malmesbury Park and Springbourne Ratepayers’ Association committee. Despite advocating for manual labourers’ issues, their elevated social status made them popular with voters, community stakeholders, and the establishment, allowing them to become prominent local politicians and even mayors, thus forming a second wave.
References
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