Soup, bread, coal

Introduction

Victorian Bournemouth (207) charts how temporary soup kitchens provided charity aids for paupers distressed by severe winters. During the 1880s, occurrence of the latter compounded with economic depression to render the lives of working people very hard. The provision of this charity, however, stimulated competition and criticism amongst respectable donors, driven by wider social agendas.

Victorian Bournemouth (207): Context

Economic

Across the world, during the period 1870s-1890s, falling prices and slow growth rates depressed national economies. This problem affected people at all social levels, but, in particular, deprived manual workers of their jobs. Winters of excessive cold motivated charitable people at higher social levels to organise soup kitchens and to distribute coal. Soup kitchens appeared in different parts of the country. In 1885, the press mentioned ‘dreadful distress existing among the poor classes … worse than had been known in England for some time’. Instead of celebrating Prince Albert Victor’s birthday, the Mayor of Newcastle gave £100 for winter relief because of ‘the acute distress prevailing in the town’. Thousands of press references to soup kitchens occurred during the period 1870-1900. Funded by charitable donations and provision of scraps from butchers and bakers, the kitchens would appear most often when the year started with a harsh January. 

Social

During this period occupancy levels at the Christchurch Union Workhouse rose, as did levels of outdoor relief. For the impoverished remaining at home, soup kitchens offered support. These provided an opportunity to bring together the two halves of society, whose normal behaviour set each apart. Concerned people at upper social levels wrote warning letters to the papers. Others worked in concert to create local funds that would support a soup kitchen. Nevertheless, people in respectable society echoed the Guardians in the need for constant vigilance against sturdy beggars and chancers.  ‘As it is well known that the most deserving are not the persons who come to the front, the committee divided the district into roads and half-roads, and visited people in their homes, ascertaining their needs.’ The Committee operated thus in Springbourne and Malmesbury Park during  January 1891. A branch of the Charity Organisation Society worked to exclude ‘professional beggars’.

Victorian Bournemouth (207): local needs

Incidence

Soup kitchens and fuel provision operated in areas housing concentrations of working people. In Bournemouth, this situation characterised the suburbs: Springbourne, Boscombe, Pokesdown in the east; Moordown and Winton in the north. Local knowledge associated ice in the Stour as the signal for a harsh winter. Thus, in January 1886, a group of concerned people called for subscriptions to support destitute working people living in Boscombe. Soon after, a similar appeal began in Springbourne. In 1891, a very harsh January caused soup kitchens to mushroom in the suburbs. Every day, two men with a van, visited grocers, butchers, and greengrocers for ‘contributions of oddments’, good for soup. Some thought that collections of unused food should occur through the network of hotels, restaurants, and lodging-houses. Others speculated that birds, dead for want of food, would prove valuable to starving people. On top of local efforts, the Mayor operated a charity fund.

Extent

During the crisis of 1886, the Boscombe charity ran its soup kitchen from 4th February to 10th April. In all it stood open for 52 days. During this period, it distributed 6336 quarts of soup, 7163 quart bread loaves, and 428 hundredweight of coal. The organisation distributed two thirds free, others paid a penny per ticket. Figures published for winter, 1891, however, suggest worse conditions. Now, those in Boscombe supplied around double the amount of soup and bread. In Springbourne for 1891, as measured by amounts supplied, a less serious situation existed, but still worse than Boscombe for 1886. In the third week of February, however, the Mayor published distribution figures for the whole town. They suggest that Springbourne and Boscombe received most of the soup, two thirds of the bread, and half the coal. These figures indicate that the greatest economic distress occurred in these eastern suburbs.

Victorian Bournemouth (207): competitive charity

Low level squabbles

Support to collect money for funding soup kitchens appears to have occurred within specific communities. For the most part, respectable and better types took the initiative. Clergy, however, also became involved in arranging the distribution system as well as soliciting funds. On occasion, Temperance people saw an opportunity to reiterate their message about pervasive drunkenness amongst working types. At one level, the need united charity workers, but letters written to the Bournemouth Guardian during the two crises of 1886 and 1891 suggest rifts occurring. A sympathiser took exception to Springbourne’s vicar suggesting that no distress existed at neighbouring Boscombe, raising possibilities of collecting funds under false pretences. A potential donor wanted specific assurance that support would occur not just for Anglican worshippers, but followers of other churches. Mr Bazalgette, a leading organizer at Boscombe, had to write a letter clarifying he did not work in competition with the Mayor’s Fund.

The Mayor’s fund

By the crisis of 1891, Bournemouth’s civic structure had changed through incorporation. A mayor, T. J. Hankinson, had much greater central control than fell to the Improvement Commission. Hankinson created an Emergency Relief Fund. In part, he may have wanted to centralise control of subscriptions to avoid difficulties, but he could also influence the distribution system across the town. Yet, the relationships between the centre and other parties, seems not always to have run well. The mayor found it advisable to write a letter apologising for not recognising work done by the local Charity Organisation Fund or even hindering it. At another level, the local Conservatives became ensnared in the process. They considered establishing a fund, but some argued against that since it ran the risk of politicising a charity matter. Thus, while distressed people shivered and starved, respectable counterparts wanted to ensure correctness and appropriate acclaim for charity workers.

Takeaway

Victorian Bournemouth (207) has followed events concerning funding and managing soup kitchens during the adverse winters of 1886 and 1891. It has shown how parties close to the distress proved effective at establishing kitchens, supplying coal and so on. The new Mayor’s participation by establishing a central fund, added a further level of support, but managed to raise some hackles. Squabbling amongst respectable people hampered the kitchens’ work. Conflicting social agendas and territorial issues set respectable charitable people against each other. The provision of soup became a political matter, leaving people in need to shiver and starve.

References

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